Erik Prince, a prominent supporter of former US President Donald Trump and the founder of the private military company Blackwater, has entered into an agreement with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to secure and tax its vast mineral wealth.
This deal, intended to boost revenue from an industry long troubled by smuggling and corruption, was finalized before the Rwanda-backed M23 rebels launched a major offensive in January, seizing the two largest cities in eastern Congo.
Discussions to implement this arrangement are now underway, occurring alongside broader negotiations between the US and Congo on critical minerals partnerships, following Congo’s proposal of a minerals-for-security deal to the Trump administration.
The DRC holds extensive reserves of copper, cobalt, lithium, and coltan—minerals vital for smartphones, computers, and electric vehicles—but its eastern region has been destabilized by decades of violence. The original plan involved deploying contractors to Goma, the capital of North Kivu province and the largest city in eastern Congo, but with Goma now under M23 control, this initiative has been suspended. Instead, the initial phase of Prince’s effort will concentrate on securing mines and enhancing tax revenues in the copper-rich Katanga province.
Advisers are expected to collaborate with technical experts from a company specializing in commodity testing and inspection, beginning with larger mines and expanding as revenue collection strengthens.
Prince, a former US Navy Seal, founded Blackwater before renaming and selling it in 2010 after several employees faced charges for unlawfully killing Iraqi civilians—convictions that were later pardoned by Trump during his first term. Prince has been active in Africa for over a decade, initially providing logistics for oil and mining companies in remote areas.
Blackwater USA was formed on 26 December 1996, by Al Clark and Erik Prince in North Carolina, to provide training support to military and law enforcement organisations.
In 2014, he established Frontier Services Group (FSG), a logistics firm supported by Chinese state investment, which operated across Africa, including in the DRC, aiding Chinese commercial interests. In 2023, the US sanctioned FSG for allegedly assisting in training Chinese military pilots, an accusation the company rejected.
Despite these setbacks, Prince has continued to focus on securing extractive industries in unstable regions, reflecting both the potential and the hazards of outsourcing state responsibilities in mineral-rich, fragile nations.
This arrangement coincides with a proposed US deal to secure critical mineral supplies, potentially involving various private sector participants. American officials have voiced optimism about the progress of these talks, though the agreement still requires approval from the Congolese Parliament.
Historically, the DRC’s mineral sector was managed by state-owned entities like Gécamines and MIBA, but years of institutional decay have spurred unregulated mining, eroding government authority and revenue. The eastern regions, notably North and South Kivu, remain beyond government control, with rebel groups like M23, allegedly supported by Rwanda, dominating key mining zones. Due to this insecurity, Prince’s team is not anticipated to operate in those areas.
The DRC has consistently accused Rwanda of exploiting its minerals, a charge backed by the United Nations and Global Witness, though Rwanda refutes these claims. Prince’s team aims to tackle the loss of mining revenue by ensuring transparent operations and equitable distribution of proceeds in accordance with the Congolese mining code.
The United Nations and Western governments assert that Rwanda has supplied arms and troops to the ethnic Tutsi-led M23, while Rwanda maintains that its military actions are defensive, responding to Congo’s army and a Rwandan militia tied to the Rwandan genocide.
Meanwhile, Rwandan and M23 forces in February captured more than 200 European mercenaries, including dozens of Romanians, who supported the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in fighting M23 rebels.
Congo employed the services of Agemira RDC, a subsidiary of a Bulgarian-based parent company, for logistics, and Congo Protection, led by a former member of the French Foreign Legion, for training. However, the lack of coordination between military contractors and other actors on the ground worsened the conflict.
Approximately 800 Romanians were estimated to be active within the DRC, hired by the government to maintain security.
