Niger’s military regime has abruptly ended its intelligence cooperation with its key ally, Russia and Turkey, a decision made under intense pressure that has revealed the depth of the country’s security crisis and internal divisions.
This move, driven by dissatisfaction with the operational support from Moscow and Ankara, has left Niger struggling to maintain its surveillance capabilities, exposing vulnerabilities that the junta is now scrambling to address.
The General Directorate of Documentation and External Security (DGDSE) pointed to the poor performance of equipment and technicians supplied by Russia and Turkey, especially in telephone interception, as the main reason for terminating the agreements. Frustrated with these shortcomings, Niamey turned to a Moroccan company specializing in digital intelligence, backed by ARCEP, to fill the gap.
Yet this solution unraveled quickly when an indirect link to a French private service provider came to light. Having already cut ties with Paris, the junta—wary of any Western involvement—ordered the immediate dismantling of the new system, leaving Niger without a reliable intelligence framework.
This sudden void in surveillance has forced the regime to improvise. The Presidential Guard has stepped in, launching discreet night patrols across sensitive parts of Niamey, the capital. Operatives in civilian clothing, traveling on foot and motorcycles, now monitor key locations like the Hospital Roundabout, the Justice Ministry, the Yantala district, the Congress Palace, and the embassy zone from midnight to 6:00 a.m.
While these patrols aim to maintain a semblance of control, they are widely seen as a temporary measure, reflecting the weakened state of Niger’s internal security under the military junta, known as the CNSP. Adding to the strain, reports suggest that parts of the military are increasingly defying Niamey’s authority, a sign of growing dissent that threatens the regime’s grip on power.
Even as Niger distances itself from direct intelligence sharing with Russia, its security strategy remains tangled with Moscow in other ways. Recently, Niger joined Mali and Burkina Faso in a deal with Russia’s aerospace agency, Roscosmos, to acquire satellite services for telecommunications and surveillance. Formalized in Bamako, this agreement aims to strengthen national security and border monitoring across the three nations.
Even though Niger has rejected Russia’s intelligence support, it’s embracing Russian technology through this regional initiative. This duality hints at a broader, conflicted approach as the junta balances domestic challenges with its commitments to the Alliance of Sahel States, a pact formed in 2023 by Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso to deepen military cooperation.
Islamist insurgencies continue to plague the region, exploiting the vast, porous borders of this semi-arid expanse. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, all under military rule, have struggled to contain these threats, making the satellite deal a potential game-changer for tracking and responding to militant activity.
For Niger, once a linchpin in the fight against jihadist groups under deposed president Mohamed Bazoum, the current instability under the CNSP has raised alarm among regional partners. Suspended from ECOWAS and caught between distrust of international allies and internal military unrest, the country faces a precarious dual crisis.
Beyond security, Niger grapples with stark economic and humanitarian realities that compound its troubles. Despite some progress in agriculture, nearly 45.3% of its people live in extreme poverty—a rate that could drop to 35.8% by 2027 if conditions improve. The World Bank estimates that by 2025, about 4.8 million Nigeriens will need humanitarian aid, with over 3 million requiring emergency food assistance. The nation also shelters nearly one million refugees and internally displaced persons, mostly clustered in volatile areas like Tillabéri, Diffa, and Tahoua. These burdens, intensified by ongoing instability, stretch the junta’s resources thin as it tries to assert control.
