On May 6, 2025, Ethiopia and Iran formalized a memorandum of understanding (MOU) that establishes a new layer of security and intelligence cooperation between their national police agencies. Signed by Ethiopia’s police chief, Commissioner General Demelash Gebremichael, and Iran’s Brigadier General Ahmad Reza Radan, the agreement outlines a partnership focused on combating cross-border crime, sharing intelligence, and enhancing capacity through joint training and the exchange of experiences. To ensure the collaboration yields practical outcomes, the MOU includes provisions for periodic monitoring, a detail emphasized by Ethiopia’s federal police as a cornerstone of its implementation.
This agreement arrives amid a flurry of security engagements for Ethiopia. Just two months earlier, in March 2025, Commissioner General Demelash hosted a delegation from the United Arab Emirates (UAE) at the Federal Police Headquarters in Addis Ababa. Led by Lieutenant Colonel Abdullah Mohammed, Chief Forensic Investigator of the Dubai Police, the UAE team explored ways to deepen cooperation in criminal investigations. The talks, which involved forensic experts from both nations, centered on tackling cross-border crime and streamlining the extradition of suspects wanted in either country. Demelash highlighted Ethiopia’s ongoing efforts to track down individuals who had fled to Ethiopia after committing crimes in Dubai, pledging to bring them to justice. The discussions also raised the possibility of forming a joint task force and launching programs to share investigative expertise, reflecting Ethiopia’s proactive stance in forging security ties across the Middle East.
For Iran, the MOU with Ethiopia is a deliberate move to expand its reach in the Horn of Africa, a region Tehran views as strategically vital. Over the years, Iran has leveraged its security and military capabilities to build political and economic bridges with African nations. During Ethiopia’s Tigray war, which raged from 2020 to 2022, Iran’s drone transfers proved instrumental in tipping the scales in favor of the Ethiopian government against separatist forces in the north. More recently, Iran has supplied surveillance and combat drones to the Sudanese army in its civil war against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, demonstrating a pattern of using military support to cement alliances. By formalizing this security pact with Ethiopia, Iran gains a stronger foothold in a region where its influence has waxed and waned under shifting geopolitical pressures.
Ethiopia’s decision to partner with Iran is driven by a confluence of internal and external pressures. Since the Tigray war ended in 2022, the country has faced mounting instability. Ethnic tensions have flared, with hostile factions of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front still posing a threat. The Amhara Fano militia, once allies of the government during the Tigray conflict, have turned hostile over land disputes and forced disarmament policies. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed contends with growing unrest from his own Oromo ethnic group, whose Oromo Liberation Army opposes his centralizing policies in a federal system meant to preserve regional autonomy. Compounding these challenges is an economic crisis fueled by inflation and unemployment, which has left the state’s resources stretched thin. The intelligence-sharing deal with Iran offers Ethiopia a chance to strengthen its hand against these ethnic militias and bolster its security framework.
Beyond its borders, Ethiopia is bracing for potential conflict with Eritrea, a neighbor with whom relations have soured despite a shared history of fighting Tigrayan forces. The 2022 Pretoria peace agreement allowed Eritrea to maintain a military presence inside Ethiopia, a lingering source of friction. Ethiopia’s pursuit of a Red Sea port in Somaliland, a breakaway region of Somalia, has further strained ties, as Eritrea and Somalia oppose the move. The security cooperation with Iran could equip Ethiopia with the intelligence and training needed to navigate this tense relationship and prepare for any escalation.
Ethiopia’s foreign policy reflects a pragmatic approach, balancing ties with Middle Eastern rivals like Iran and the UAE. In 2016, under then-Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, Ethiopia resisted pressure from the UAE and Saudi Arabia to cut ties with Iran, a choice that later paid off with military aid from both Iran and the UAE during the Tigray war. Turkey also contributed drones and support during that conflict, showcasing Ethiopia’s ability to draw assistance from diverse partners. This balancing act extends to Ethiopia’s stance on the Sudanese civil war, where it has engaged with both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces at different points, even as Iran backs the army and the UAE supports the paramilitary group.
Iran’s relationship with Ethiopia has deep roots, stretching back to the 1960s when both nations, led by pro-Western monarchs—Emperor Haile Selassie and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi—shared an anti-communist outlook. After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, ties persisted and were revitalized under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who sought to counter Iran’s isolation through an active Africa policy. Relations cooled briefly under Hassan Rouhani, who prioritized a nuclear deal with the United States, but rebounded after the U.S. withdrew from that agreement. Under President Ebrahim Raisi, Iran solidified its support for Ethiopia with military aid during the Tigray war, setting the stage for this latest security pact. Since 2016, Ethiopia has served as Iran’s gateway to the Horn of Africa, especially as other regional states severed ties with Tehran under pressure from Saudi Arabia and the UAE, who aimed to curb Iran’s influence along the Red Sea and its support for Yemen’s Houthi rebels.
The Ethiopia-Iran agreement carries weight beyond their bilateral ties, reflecting the Horn of Africa’s rising prominence in global geopolitics. As Middle Eastern powers like Iran, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia compete for influence, Ethiopia’s strategic position and willingness to engage with multiple players make it a pivotal actor. The country’s ability to manage these relationships while grappling with its internal challenges will shape not only its own trajectory but also the stability of a region increasingly drawn into the orbit of distant powers. For Ethiopia, the stakes are clear: the intelligence and security cooperation with Iran could provide the tools to confront its domestic threats and regional uncertainties, though the real test lies in translating this partnership into measurable results.
