# Russia pledges continued military support for AES juntas

- Link: https://www.military.africa/2025/08/russia-pledges-continued-military-support-for-aes-juntas/
- Published: 2025-08-19T14:54:02+01:00
- Author: Ekene Lionel and Military Africa

Russia has formalised a defence cooperation agreement with the Alliance of Sahel
States, comprising Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, committing to [assist in their struggles against terrorism](https://www.military.africa/2025/01/russia-continues-arming-mali-supplies-heavy-armored-vehicles/)
and externally supported militant factions that have sown chaos in the region.

This pact, sealed during Moscow’s inaugural joint consultations with the military
leaders of these nations, signals a deepening of ties as the three countries, governed
by juntas following recent coups, pivot away from traditional Western partners like
France and the United States. The meeting, hosted by Russian Defence Minister Andrei
Belousov, took place amid Russia’s efforts to forge new alliances in Africa, where
it has steadily expanded its footprint, including through military engagements, 
while facing Western isolation over its conflict in Ukraine.

Belousov expressed Russia’s backing for the AES nations’ defence of their sovereignty
and territorial integrity, framing the alliance as a product of the Sahelian peoples’
independent pursuit of peace and progress. His Malian counterpart, Sadio Camara—
a key figure in the junta advocating for closer Moscow relations—described defence
as the primary domain of collaboration between the parties. Niger’s Defence Minister
Salifou Modi and Burkina Faso’s Celestin Simpore also attended, contributing to 
discussions that culminated in a memorandum of understanding on defence matters.
While specifics remain undisclosed, Belousov indicated Russia’s preparedness to 
offer extensive aid to stabilise the area, where jihadist violence risks spreading
beyond the Sahel into wider West Africa.

The AES [emerged](https://www.military.africa/2023/12/burkina-faso-and-niger-quit-g5-sahel-force-join-mali-in-new-alliance/)
from a mutual defence accord signed in September 2023, evolving into a full confederation
by 6 July 2024, with commitments to broaden ties in security, economics, and social
development. This bloc arose after the three states withdrew from the Economic Community
of West African States at the year’s start, criticising it for yielding to French
influence. The juntas, having ousted civilian governments in a series of takeovers,
have rejected years of ineffective Western-led interventions that failed to curb
insurgencies, instead embracing Russian mercenaries, notably from the Wagner group,
to aid in combating Islamist militants.

Beyond the recent memorandum, cooperation has advanced through concrete projects.
In September 2024, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso inked a deal with Russia’s Roscosmos
agency to [procure telecommunications and surveillance satellites](https://www.military.africa/2024/09/russia-selling-surveillance-satellite-to-west-african-juntas/).
Hosted in Bamako, the agreement focuses on bolstering border monitoring and national
security in the expansive, permeable Sahel, where insurgents exploit gaps to launch
attacks. Mali’s Finance Minister Alousséni Sanou highlighted the satellites’ role
in secure communications and managing crises like floods, droughts, and fires, which
compound the region’s vulnerabilities. For nations battling persistent Islamist 
threats, this technology promises improved tracking of militant activities across
remote terrains, potentially transforming response strategies in a zone where traditional
ground patrols often fall short.

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The alliance has also moved to [establish ](https://www.military.africa/2025/01/5000-strong-joint-aes-force-set-to-be-deployed/)
a 5,000-strong joint force, equipped with its own air support, hardware, and intelligence
apparatus, set to become operational soon. This unit will operate across the three
countries, aiming to shield the AES from terrorist incursions through coordinated
actions that leverage shared resources. In April 2025, Russia [agreed](https://www.military.africa/2025/04/russia-to-support-5000-strong-joint-aes-force/)
to furnish weapons and training for this force, further entrenching its military
presence and providing the juntas with tools to assert control amid ongoing instability.

Yet, these partnerships have encountered hurdles. In May 2025, Niger’s junta [suddenly halted](https://www.military.africa/2025/05/niger-terminates-intelligence-cooperations-with-russia/)
intelligence-sharing arrangements with Russia and Turkey, citing inadequate support
that left surveillance efforts exposed. This decision, made under duress from internal
military discord and external pressures, highlighted fractures within the regime
and broader security dilemmas, as Niger—once a pivotal partner in regional anti-
jihadist campaigns under ousted President Mohamed Bazoum—now navigates suspension
from ECOWAS and strained alliances.

Tensions escalated further when Mali and Niger [cut diplomatic relations with Ukraine ](https://www.military.africa/2024/08/mali-niger-cut-ties-with-ukraine-over-support-for-rebels/)
in August 2024, accusing Kyiv of involvement in a devastating assault on Wagner 
and Malian forces. The incident, claimed by northern Tuareg rebels, unfolded over
three days in late July, resulting in at least 84 Wagner mercenaries and 47 Malian
soldiers killed, alongside the loss of two helicopters. This marked Wagner’s most
severe setback since entering the conflict two years prior, exposing vulnerabilities
in Russian-backed operations and prompting accusations of foreign meddling that 
fuelled the diplomatic rift.

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For the AES states, Russia’s involvement offers a counterweight to Western dominance,
[providing mercenaries](https://www.military.africa/2024/04/russian-troops-weapons-arrive-niger/),
arms, and technical aid without the conditions often attached to French or American
support. Moscow’s strategy capitalises on anti-colonial sentiments, positioning 
itself as a reliable alternative amid failed interventions that have not stemmed
the jihadist tide. However, the reliance on private military companies like Wagner
introduces risks, including human rights concerns and potential exploitation of 
resources, as seen in other African engagements.

As Islamist groups continue to adapt, exploiting porous borders and local grievances,
the AES-Russia axis aims to forge a more autonomous security framework. Yet, incidents
like the Wagner defeat and Niger’s intelligence pullback reveal the fragility of
these arrangements, where internal divisions and external pressures could undermine
progress. For Moscow, the Sahel provides a theatre to demonstrate its global reach,
diverting attention from Ukraine while securing economic footholds in minerals and
trade. The coming months will test whether this military support translates into
lasting stability or merely reshuffles the region’s power plays.

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